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Monday, July 08, 2013
Allah's Apostle was asked, 'What is the best deed?' He replied, 'To believe in Allah and His Apostle Muhammad.' The questioner then asked, 'What is the next best in goodness?' He replied, 'To participate in Jihad, religious fighting in Allah's Cause.'

Bukhari: V1B2N25
 xena 

 Little peace in our Time over religious conflict in Myanmar

Politicians, academics and the intelligentsia are nervously testing out the boundaries of their newly won freedoms. They are sensitive to any hint of disorder that might plunge Myanmar back into a reign of military terror and lead again to economic sanctions.

From his monastery in the ancient royal city of Mandalay, the voice of the 969 movement preaches that Myanmar's Muslim minority(around 2 million in a population of 60 million) is threatening religious purity and even national security.
Muslims have brought this resentment, mistrust and downright hatred upon themselves. They will need to jettison their evil, misogynistic, paedophilic, barbaric, violent, sex-crazed faith before they will be accepted into civilised world.
dominion — Andrea Vance
Time magazineThe line of crimson-robed monks snaked in a line along a dusty road in downtown Yangon.

However, these devoted Myanmar Buddhists weren't queuing up last Sunday with their alms bowls, in time-honoured religious tradition.

Waving placards, they were chanting their ire at a Time magazine cover,which dared proclaim Ashin Wirathu, a senior monk who preaches an anti-Islam message, the ''face of Buddhist terror''.

In 2007, protesting monks were beaten bloody by police and arrested at the behest of the military junta.

Last week, they were in tune with the new government. The July edition of the magazine was banned by officials and Wirathu was defended by the office of President Thein Sein.

From his monastery in the ancient royal city of Mandalay, the voice of the 969 movement preaches that Myanmar's Muslim minority(around 2 million in a population of 60 million) is threatening religious purity and even national security.
From his monastery in the ancient royal city of Mandalay, the voice of the 969 movement preaches that Myanmar's Muslim minority(around 2 million in a population of 60 million) is threatening religious purity and even national security.

Violence has swept the country - with more than 200 dead and tens of thousands forced from their homes - as senior monks preach hate and call for boycotts of Muslim businesses.

Wirathu's remark - ''You can be full of kindness and love, but you cannot sleep next to a mad dog'' and his self-comparison to Osama bin Laden - were seized on by the Western media.

Journalists beat a path to his door, seeking more of his extremist views. And yet, his opinions are not fringe. In restaurants, shops and on shrines and taxis,small stickers featuring the three jewels of Buddhism proclaim support for the 969 movement. (Muslim businesses have their own - less often visible - 786 talisman.)

A remarkable number of people express anti-Muslim sentiment, although few condone the violence.

A remarkable number of people express anti-Muslim sentiment, although few condone the violence.
It's usually expressed in a fear that ethnic conflict will derail the slow, fragile progress towards democracy and give the junta an excuse to re-impose military power.

In teashops conspiracy theories are whispered, that elements of the military are fuelling the violence in order to kill off the tender shoots of democracy.

Many Buddhists even refuse to refer to Rohingya Muslims, instead calling them''Bengalis''.

Even though many Rohingya have lived in the Rakhine state for generations, they are accused of crossing the border to undermine Buddhism and Islamise the country.

Educated, intelligent Buddhists believe Muslims are having more children to dilute the religious makeup of Myanmar.

Incredibly, journalists and minority politicians defended the censorship of Time, citing a need to promote stability as the nation moves towards free elections, and crucial foreign direct investment.

Many Buddhists even refuse to refer to Rohingya Muslims, instead calling them "Bengalis".
For a people suppressed and brutalised for half a century, it's an understandable reaction.

Politicians, academics and the intelligentsia are nervously testing out the boundaries of their newly won freedoms. They are sensitive to any hint of disorder that might plunge Myanmar back into a reign of military terror and lead again to economic sanctions.

But, while the violence has received international media attention in the last year, resentment towards Muslims can be traced back as far as 1938.

Whether or not the hatred is being stirred by forces resistant to democratic change, Myanmar's people must face up to the deep religious divisions and discrimination that can only threaten their reforms.

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